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    Press Release of The Noble House of BrattlebyWhile the Lion Was Away: Prince John's Rebellion and the Defence of Lincoln, 1191–1194

    by Lady Nicoleta, Baroness of Brattleby, the Twelfth

    Plantagenet · 1191

    In the summer of 1190, Richard I of England, the embodiment of the chivalric ideal and a formidable warrior king, departed his realm. His eyes were fixed on the Holy Land and the glory of the Third Crusade. He left behind a kingdom flush with cash extorted for the campaign, a nascent but complex administrative machine, and a governance structure designed to maintain royal authority in his absence. Yet this structure, predicated on the loyalty of men bound by oaths to an absentee monarch, would prove perilously fragile. Within a year, Richard’s absence would uncork a toxic brew of personal ambition, political intrigue, and baronial opportunism, plunging England into a crisis that threatened to fragment the Angevin empire. At the heart of this turmoil stood the king’s younger brother, John, Count of Mortain, and in the strategic northern heartlands, the mighty fortress of Lincoln Castle became a critical fulcrum, its fate resting in the hands of a remarkable and resolute woman, Nicola de la Haye.

    An Uneasy Regency: The Rise and Fall of William de Longchamp

    Richard’s arrangements for the government of England were, on paper, a careful balance of power. He appointed two chief justiciars—the senior ministers of the realm—to rule jointly: Hugh de Puiset, the powerful and aristocratic Bishop of Durham, and William de Longchamp, a man of humble Norman origins who had risen through service as Richard's chancellor. Longchamp was energetic, intelligent, and fiercely loyal to Richard, but he was also described by contemporary chroniclers as arrogant, overbearing, and disdainful of the English baronage. The chronicler William of Newburgh noted his ambition to ‘domineer over the whole kingdom’, while Richard of Devizes recorded his physical unattractiveness and his habit of proceeding with a vast, ostentatious retinue that impoverished his hosts.

    This division of authority was never destined to last. Longchamp, armed with a papal legateship that gave him ecclesiastical supremacy and holding the crucial Tower of London, swiftly outmanoeuvred his colleague. By June 1190, he had effectively sidelined Puiset, imprisoning him briefly and forcing him to surrender his castles and his share of the justiciarship. For the next year, Longchamp ruled England as a virtual viceroy. He controlled the Exchequer, appointed his own relatives and cronies to sheriffdoms and constabularies, and behaved, in the words of the disapproving chronicler Roger of Howden, ‘as if he were the king’.

    His downfall was precipitated by a combination of his own hubris and the machinations of Prince John. The flashpoint came in September 1191. Geoffrey, Archbishop of York—Richard and John’s illegitimate half-brother—landed at Dover in defiance of an oath he had sworn to Richard to remain out of England. Longchamp, fearing Geoffrey’s royal blood and potential to act as a rival focus for dissent, ordered his arrest. In a moment of high drama, Geoffrey was forcibly dragged from the altar of St Martin’s Priory, an act of sacrilege that sent shockwaves through the kingdom.

    This was the opportunity John had been waiting for. Casting himself as the defender of the church and the liberties of the realm against a tyrannical foreign upstart, he summoned the aggrieved bishops and barons to a council. On 5th October 1191, at Loddon Bridge between Reading and Windsor, John and a powerful coalition of magnates confronted Longchamp’s supporters. Faced with overwhelming opposition, Longchamp was forced to retreat to the Tower of London. A few days later, on 10th October, a great council formally deposed him from office. He was replaced as chief justiciar by Walter of Coutances, the Archbishop of Rouen, who conveniently produced a letter from Richard authorizing him to act should Longchamp prove unacceptable. Longchamp eventually fled the country, ignominiously disguised as a woman, and his authority collapsed. The first phase of the crisis was over, but it had created a power vacuum that the ambitious prince was only too eager to fill.

    The Count of Mortain's Shadow Kingdom

    With Longchamp gone, John’s position was immeasurably strengthened. Though Walter of Coutances was the legitimate head of government, John was the king’s brother, present in England and cultivating a powerful affinity of his own. He skillfully exploited the anti-foreign sentiment that Longchamp’s rule had generated, positioning himself as a leader for the English barons against the absent king’s unpopular Norman ministers.

    John began to construct what amounted to a semi-independent lordship, a shadow-sm kingdom within the kingdom. Richard had granted him the county of Mortain in Normandy and vast estates in England, including the honours of Lancaster, Wallingford, Tickhill, and Nottingham. From these strongholds, John established his own administration, complete with his own castellans, his own exchequer, and his own court. He held court and dispensed justice as if he were king, deliberately challenging the authority of the royal justiciars. For the magnates and knights of England, this created an acute dilemma. Their oaths bound them to Richard, but Richard was a distant figure in a far-off land. John was present, powerful, and a plausible alternative should the king fail to return. Allegiance became a dangerous and calculated gamble.

    This is the context in which Lincoln, and its hereditary constables, became embroiled in the national crisis. The city and its castle were of immense strategic value. Commanding the crossing of the River Witham and sitting at the intersection of two major Roman roads, Ermine Street and the Fosse Way, Lincoln was the key to controlling the north Midlands and access to Yorkshire. Lincoln Castle, a formidable Norman fortress begun by William the Conqueror, dominated the city and the surrounding county. Control of the castle meant control of Lincolnshire, a wealthy and populous shire.

    Lincoln: The Northern Bastion and a Constable's Resolve

    Since the reign of Henry I, the constableship of Lincoln Castle had been a hereditary possession of the De la Haye family. In 1191, the constable was Gerard de Camville, who held the office jure uxoris, by right of his wife, Nicola de la Haye. Nicola was the daughter and heiress of Richard de la Haye, the previous constable. This was a position of immense power and trust, and it was Nicola’s inheritance, not her husband’s, that conferred it. While the lands of the adjacent Barony of Brattleby, a modest holding centred on the village a few miles north of Lincoln, were held by other tenants and not directly involved with the De la Haye patrimony, its lords would have watched the struggle for the county’s pre-eminent fortress with the utmost anxiety. The allegiance of Lincoln Castle determined the political and military climate of the entire region.

    Gerard de Camville was a classic opportunist. Seeing the political tides turning, he had thrown in his lot with Prince John. In a flagrant act of self-interest, he had purchased the shrievalty (the office of sheriff) of Lincolnshire from the prince, a transaction that directly challenged the authority of the king's justiciar, as only the Crown could appoint sheriffs.

    William de Longchamp could not ignore such a direct provocation in a strategic county. In the summer of 1191, even before his final confrontation with John, he declared Camville a rebel and marched north with an army to besiege Lincoln Castle. The chronicler Richard of Devizes records that Longchamp ‘took the town of Lincoln but was not able to take the castle’. It is highly probable that Nicola de la Haye, whose hereditary right it was, was commanding the defence from within its walls while her husband was away, possibly with John. Prince John reacted with speed. He gathered his own forces, took the royal castles of Nottingham and Tickhill, and declared that he would retaliate against Longchamp’s own holdings if he did not lift the siege of Lincoln. Faced with a civil war he could not win, Longchamp backed down and made a truce with Camville.

    This episode was a resounding victory for John. He had successfully defended one of his key allies, faced down the king’s regent, and demonstrated his military and political power. For Gerard and Nicola, the alliance with John was cemented. They had gambled on the prince’s power and won, securing their controversial hold on Lincoln Castle and the shrievalty. For the remainder of the crisis, Lincoln would be a linchpin of Prince John’s northern power base.

    The Crisis Deepens: A King in Captivity

    In late 1192, the political situation in England was transformed by disastrous news from the continent. On his way back from the crusade, Richard I had been captured near Vienna by his enemy, Leopold, Duke of Austria. He was subsequently handed over to Leopold’s overlord, the Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, who held the King of England for a colossal ransom: 150,000 marks, more than twice the annual income of the English Crown.

    For Prince John, his brother’s captivity was a golden opportunity. He immediately crossed to Normandy and made a pact with Richard’s arch-rival, King Philip II of France. John did homage to Philip for Richard’s continental lands and, according to the chronicles, they conspired to prolong the king’s imprisonment, even offering the Emperor money to keep him captive or hand him over to them. Believing he now had a clear path to the throne, John returned to England in early 1194, bringing with him a force of foreign mercenaries. He spread rumours that Richard was dead and demanded the fealty of the kingdom’s castellans.

    He met a firm and united resistance. The new administration in England, led by the able Hubert Walter, who had become Archbishop of Canterbury and chief justiciar, remained staunchly loyal to the captive Richard. Supported by the king’s mother, Eleanor of Aquitaine, and loyal magnates like William Marshal, they organized the monumental task of raising the king’s ransom. When John landed and began his open rebellion, seizing royal castles where he could, the justiciars raised the fyrd (the national militia) and a feudal army.

    The loyalist campaign of February 1194 was swift and effective. They besieged and captured the castles of John’s supporters, including Marlborough and Lancaster. John’s main northern strongholds, Tickhill and Nottingham, were besieged in March. At Lincoln, Gerard de Camville and Nicola de la Haye held firm for their patron. While the main loyalist army under Hubert Walter concentrated on Tickhill and Nottingham, Lincoln’s garrison represented a significant threat in their rear. However, before Lincoln could become a direct target, the entire strategic landscape was upended.

    The Lion's Return and the Reckoning

    On 13th March 1194, after sixteen months in captivity, Richard I landed at Sandwich. The return of the king, whose martial reputation was now legendary after his exploits in the Holy Land, instantly collapsed John’s rebellion. The news spread like wildfire. When the defenders of Tickhill Castle heard the king was back on English soil, they surrendered immediately.

    Richard, wasting no time, marched directly to the last remaining centre of resistance: Nottingham Castle. He arrived before its walls on 25th March. The sight of the king himself, present in the field, was enough to demoralize the garrison, which had been led to believe he was dead or would never return. After a short, sharp siege, during which Richard took part in the fighting and his siege engines battered the walls, the defenders, including some of John’s most prominent followers, surrendered on 28th March. John himself had already fled to France.

    With the rebellion crushed, Richard held a great council at Nottingham from 30th March to 2nd April 1194 to pass judgment and re-order his kingdom. It was a time of reckoning for John’s supporters. Prince John was stripped of all his lands and declared to have forfeited his right to the succession. Those who had supported him faced royal justice. Gerard de Camville was summoned to the council to answer for his actions. He was formally accused of treason for his alliance with John, of unlawfully holding the sheriffdom of Lincolnshire, and of harbouring robbers in his jurisdiction.

    The outcome reflects Richard’s characteristic pragmatism. He was more in need of money than vengeance. Gerard de Camville was formally disseised of the shrievalty and the constableship of Lincoln Castle. However, he was allowed to buy them back, and his favour with the king, for an enormous fine of 2,000 marks. By paying the money, he and Nicola were able to retain their precious hereditary office. It was a humiliating and costly climbdown, but they survived. Richard needed the cash to fund his forthcoming wars against Philip of France, and he was content to let wealthy rebels purchase their pardon.

    Echoes of a Rebellion

    The crisis of 1191–1194 was a stark illustration of the personal nature of medieval kingship. The authority of the Angevin state, while administratively advanced for its time, was ultimately dependent on the physical presence and personal power of the monarch. Richard's absence, followed by his captivity, created a crisis of legitimacy that his brother ruthlessly exploited. The rebellion tested the loyalties of every powerful man and woman in England, forcing them to choose between a distant, imprisoned king and his ambitious, present brother.

    The events in Lincolnshire demonstrate that this was not merely a high-political struggle confined to the court. The decisions made by local power-holders like Gerard de Camville and Nicola de la Haye had national consequences. Their initial gamble in siding with John against Longchamp in 1191 helped precipitate the chancellor’s fall and solidified John’s power base in the north. Their continued loyalty to John during his rebellion in 1194 made Lincoln a key strategic point that, had Richard’s return been delayed, would have faced the full force of the royalist armies.

    Their survival after the rebellion’s collapse is a testament both to Richard’s pressing need for money and their own tenacity. Incredibly, John himself was forgiven by Richard just a month later, in May 1194, with Richard commenting, "He is only a child who has had evil counsellors." This 'child' would, in five years, become King of England.

    The most enduring legacy of this period, for Lincolnshire, was the proven resilience of its hereditary constable, Nicola de la Haye. Having defended her castle against the king's justiciar in 1191 and survived the disgrace of her husband's alliance with a traitor in 1194, she was forged into one of the most formidable political figures in England. It was an experience that would serve her well. Two decades later, as an elderly widow in a moment of even greater national crisis, she would once again hold Lincoln Castle, this time for John’s young son, Henry III, against the combined forces of rebel English barons and a French prince. The Battle of Lincoln in 1217, where her steadfast defence allowed for a decisive royalist victory, would be her—and Lincoln's—greatest hour. The seeds of that famous resolve were sown deep in the fraught years when the Lion was away.

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    Sources & Further Reading

    Primary Sources Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi Benedicti Abbatis (The Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II and Richard I, A.D. 1169-1192), attributed to Roger of Howden. Edited by W. Stubbs. 2 vols. Rolls Series (1867). A key contemporary narrative of Longchamp's fall. Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Hovedene. Edited by W. Stubbs. 4 vols. Rolls Series (1868-71). Howden's expanded chronicle, containing details of the council at Nottingham in 1194. The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes of the Time of King Richard the First (Chronicon de rebus gestis Ricardi Primi). Edited by J.T. Appleby (1963). Provides a colourful, if biased, account of Longchamp's rule and fall. William of Newburgh, Historia Rerum Anglicarum (The History of English Affairs), in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I*. Edited by R. Howlett. Rolls Series (1884-89). Offers a balanced and critical view of the period.

    Secondary Sources Carpenter, David. The Minority of Henry III (1990). Contains excellent material on the background and later career of Nicola de la Haye. Gillingham, John. Richard I (Yale English Monarchs, 1999). The definitive modern biography, providing a thorough analysis of the 1191-94 crisis. Johns, Susan M. Noblewomen, Aristocracy and Power in the Twelfth-Century Anglo-Norman Realm (2003). Offers context on the power held by women like Nicola de la Haye. Painter, Sidney. The Reign of King John (1949). A classic study that details John's early career and his actions during Richard's absence. Poole, Austin Lane. From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 1087-1216 (Oxford History of England, 1955). Provides a superb overview of the political and administrative context. Warren, W. L. King John (Yale English Monarchs, 1978). The authoritative biography of John, covering his rebellion in detail. Wilkinson, Louise J. Women in Thirteenth-Century Lincolnshire (Royal Historical Society, 2007). The most detailed modern study of Nicola de la Haye and her context. Republished as Nicola de la Haye: The Heroine of Lincoln Castle (2022).

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    The Noble House of Brattleby

    Barony of Brattleby · Lincolnshire · England · Est. AD 1066

    Issued by: Lady Nicoleta, Baroness of Brattleby, the Twelfth

    On behalf of: The Office of the Baron of Brattleby

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    This publication is issued by The Noble House of Brattleby, Barony of Brattleby, Lincolnshire, England. All content © The Noble House of Brattleby. Reproduction permitted with attribution to The Noble House of Brattleby and Lady Nicoleta, Baroness of Brattleby, the Twelfth. For media enquiries, high-resolution images, and interview requests, please contact the House of Brattleby Press Office.

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    The Brattleby Heritage Institute

    A companion project of the Noble House of Brattleby, gathering research and published scholarship on the history of the Barony. The Institute is presently in formation: it is not a registered charity, and it is not an accredited academic institution.

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